…With the infamous decree “On the Red Terror” of September 5, 1918, the Bolshevik regime demanded the reinforcement of the Cheka and legalized the Terror officially —for example, the arbitrary banishing into concentration camps, or shooting, of all “class enemies.”…
[Horst Mahler: …And there it says that Moses is commanding this small tribe, the Jews, to exterminate, destroy, and murder, in the true sense of the word, many tribes greater than their own. And then he advises moreover: “But do not do this too quickly. For if you work it too swiftly, then wild beasts will move in again to occupy the space freed by murdering. Do it slowly and gently!”
And then there is one of their fundamental principles, “Let these crimes appear as good deeds, and see to it – with all these nasty works I command you to do to the peoples – that no shadow falls upon Yahweh.” This is the order: Through hypocrisy, lies, and deception, commit the worst crimes with the aim to destroy humanity as a whole, with the exception of the chosen people. This has a very concrete reason…~Horst Mahler from “We are fighting to win!”]
The Red Terror – Part 1
Excerpt from “Russia and the Jews”
by Udo Walendy
…The February Revolution in 1917 was seen by the truly radical revolutionaries (the “Bolsheviks”) only as a preparatory phase for the removal of all past socioeconomic and cultural structures, not only in Russia but, in principle, in all countries of the world.
The engagement of Russian Jews on behalf of a new state order that secured their previously ignored equal rights is certainly understandable. This applies also to cases where inflexible opponents of this objective would need to be vigorously brought around to the new viewpoint or driven from their positions of power.
But comprehension ends when state slogans call for, and are actually converted into, programs of mass terror and where mass murder, torture and sadistic vengefulness in the style of the Old Testament are committed while giving simultaneous privileges to their perpetrators. Such have nothing to do with humanity and progress. But it was precisely this fusion of the communist program with the brutal and sadistic zeal of foreign high-level leaders that marked the revolution, the civil war and the subsequent years from 1917 up until the death of Stalin on March 5, 1953.
Solzhenitsyn confirms, with an abundance of specific examples, that those things of which the Bolsheviks were accused—namely the Red Terror of the revolution, the civil war years and subsequent waves of purges, during the induced famines caused by the collectivization of agriculture and the incessant food confiscations across the countryside—were just as little a slanderous invention of evil “class enemies” or “counter-revolutionaries” as was the unusually high percentage of prominent Jews carrying out the brutal orders of the party, state, secret services and military.
As early as July 27, 1918, Lenin decreed a law privileging Jews; making all “active anti-Semites” outlaws, to be shot—in plain language, to be exterminated like vermin because of mere “agitation,” without having actually deprived anyone of his human rights.41
Solzhenitsyn remembers, “The law encouraged every Jew who had been insulted as a Jew to request prosecution.”42 [Today, this attitude is called “political correctness.”—Ed.]
This fact is something that Solzhenitsyn brings up in a rather reserved way. In reality, however, one specific group of citizens was authorized to arbitrarily request the arrest and trial of anyone for all kinds of trivial or predatory reasons, and their liquidation. The general population had no possibility even to defend itself, for that would be death- bringing “agitation.”
Subsequent articles of penal law provided that propaganda or agitation promoters who “stir up national and religious enmity or ethnic hatred”—which could include any critical word about the party, government or administration—receive banishment for many years or a firing squad. [Solzhenitsyn received eight years in prison, then with no warning three more years of banishment in Kazakhstan—Ed.]
Merely the possession of “agitation” literature or the suspicion of an anti-Semitic attitude could be equated with political crimes. Even a presumption sufficed for punishment. Here is an example of the effect of this law:
In 1929 a certain I. Silberman deplored in the weekly newspaper of the Soviet legal system (issue no. 4) that in the People’s Courts of the Moscow city government too few trials had occurred over anti-Semitism, and in fact only 34 in all of Moscow. (This means that every 10 days a trial took place somewhere in Moscow because of anti- Semitism.)
The articles in this magazine of the People’s Commissariat had the effect of an official order for its readers, which must be kept in mind.43
The general expropriation of the entire population in favor of an illusory “people’s property,” the system of general terror, the pervasive vulnerability of every unprivileged citizen—and as their consequence, arrests without measure, deportations into faraway hard labor camp regions and liquidations—were an integrated and mandatory part of the state ideology of “Marxism-Leninism.” These historical facts must be acknowledged.
The Red Terror had begun at the end of 1917; however it was proclaimed official policy by Lenin only on September 5, 1918. This Red Terror, particularly with the help of the Cheka, whose execution excesses hurled the entire population across a vast Russia into constant anxiety and paroxysms of fright, characterized all periods of Bolshevism and permeated all its organizational structures.
But early on, terrible details concerning this terror came to the attention of the whole world public. Solzhenitsyn tells us:
As early as January 1918 there were already mass executions under martial law without any procedures or court hearings. These were followed by hundreds and later thousands of innocent hostages being seized, executed in mass nighttime shootings or loaded on ships and sunk with them [aboard].44
There was no place [in the RSFSR, the Russian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic, i.e. the huge Russian part of the Soviet Union], where shooting did not take place. By means of one verbal instruction [that of Cheka head F.E. Dzerzhinsky] many thousands of humans were condemned to immediate death.45
Dzerzhinsky stated in a June 1918 press conference:
We openly advocate organized terror. . . . Terror, in times of revolution, is an absolute necessity. . . . The Cheka is obligated to defend the Revolution and destroy the opponent, even if the sword sometimes touches the heads of the innocent.”46 [Felix Edmundovich Dzerzhinsky (1877- 1926) was a wayward Polish aristocrat and hardened Marxist revolutionary.]
In the bulletin Red Terror of November 1, 1918, and then again in the Christmas Day [!!!] 1918 issue of Pravda, Lenin and Dzerzhinsky published without shame their proletarian principles, which they also implemented everywhere in Russia. Solzhenitsyn paraphrases:
“Do not search in your investigations for documents and evidence that the accused in word or deed has acted against Soviet power. The first question you must pose is: to which class does he belong, what is his origin, what education and training has he enjoyed, and what is his occupation? Those are the questions that must determine the fate of the accused.47
This terror was a system of rule by approved mass murder. It took on dimensions never before seen. Referring to various Jewish and Russian authors, Solzhenitsyn states with respect to September 1918:
Among the national minorities, it is completely clear that in an organization containing many Latvians, and a considerable number of Poles, the Jews stand out very distinctly, particularly among the responsible persons and active collaborators in the Cheka, among the commissars and the investigators.
For example, of the lead investigators in the commission for fighting counter-revolution, the most important structure in the whole Cheka, half were Jews.48
Solzhenitsyn describes some details:
A bloody track of vengeful terror—exclusively vengeful!—went through the land. It was no longer about civil war, but instead about the destruction of the beaten opponent. In waves the country was hit by raids, searches, new raids and arrests. Prison inmates were taken out, cell by cell, and shot from the first to the last man with machine gun salvos, since there were too many victims to execute with single rifle shots. . . . Fifteen or 16-year-olds were executed, just as were 60-year-old men.49
With the infamous decree “On the Red Terror” of September 5, 1918, the Bolshevik regime demanded the reinforcement of the Cheka and legalized the Terror officially —for example, the arbitrary banishing into concentration camps, or shooting, of all “class enemies.” In that month of September alone, hundreds of executions occurred in each of Petrograd, Kronstadt and Moscow. In the autumn of 1918 the newspapers of the country reported thousands of arrests and between 10,000 and 15,000 executions.50
Even in the CC [Central Committee] of the Bolsheviks, protests were heard against the self-willed actions of the over-zealous Cheka, as Solzhenitsyn puts it, “an organization full of criminals, sadists and the degenerate scum of society.”51
In one of innumerable letters of complaint found in the archives of the CC, there is one by a Bolshevik functionary denouncing “the blood orgies of Cheka squads” and their degeneracy. It specifies:
In this organization contaminated by criminality, violence and arbitrariness, where rogues and criminals set the tone, men armed to the teeth execute anyone who does not please them. They invade homes, they plunder, rape, arrest people, pass counterfeit money and demand jugs of wine from terrified householders—and then extort from the people who just gave them wine 10-20 times the value of what they have already stolen to let them alone.52
On January 24, 1919 the Bolshevik CC decided “to exterminate” as a “class enemy” an entire group of people: the Cossacks of the Don Valley and Kuban area near the Black Sea.
In the now accessible text of the secret resolution we read:
After the experiences in the civil war against the Cossacks one must grant that the merciless fight and massive terror against the rich Cossacks, who are to be exterminated to the last man and be physically destroyed, is the only politically correct [Note use of term.—Ed.] measure. In fact, as admitted in July of 1919 by Rheingold, who was tasked as chairman of the Revolutionary Committee with the implementation of the “Bolshevik Command” in the Cossack region, “we tended toward a policy of wanting to completely exterminate the Cossacks without any differentiation. In the few weeks between mid-February and the end of March 1919, Bolshevik special units executed more than 8,000 Cossacks. In each Cossack area, “Revolutionary Tribunals” operating under martial law passed out capital sentences on long lists of suspects after deliberations of a few minutes each—usually for counterrevolutionary behavior.53
Cheka chairman Dzerzhinsky set up special task forces for military security and, on March 16, 1919, he was named People’s Commissar of the Interior. Revolts by workers, soldiers and farmers—a result of rural food confiscations—were smashed with the most brutal measures. Just in March-April 1919 between 3,000 and 5,000 people were executed in Tula and the city of Astrakhan near the Volga. Here Solzhenitsyn describes it:
Hundreds [of victims] with stones hung around their necks were marched onto barges and thrown into the Volga. Between the 12th and 14th of March, 1919 [the Cheka] shot and drowned between 2,000 and 4,000 workers and “mutineers.” Starting on the 15th, repression also hit the bourgeoisie of the city. They supposedly had inspired the resistance by the “White Guard” [anti-Bolsheviks—Ed.].54
There were, however, many different kinds of assignments for the Cheka: in 1919 over 3 million Red Army soldiers took along their weapons and deserted into the forests. About 500,000 were caught. The Cheka arranged not to only shoot thousands, but to arrest and deport their relatives as hostages. Whole villages were burned down.
The Black Book of Communism enumerates on page 121 the thousands killed in individual cities of south Russia by the Cheka in the year 1919.
This “new morality” was described by the Kiev [Ukraine] Cheka in its newspaper Krasny Mech (“Red Sword”) of August 18, 1919:
We reject the old systems of morality and humanity. They were invented by the Bourgeoisie to suppress and exploit the lower classes. Our morality is without previous models, and our humanity absolute, because it is based on a new ideal: to destroy any form of oppression and force. . . . For us everything is permitted, because we are first in the world to raise the sword, not for suppression and enslavement, but to release humans from their chains. . . . Blood? May it flow in rivers! Because only blood can transform the black banner of the piratical bourgeoisie into a red flag, the flag of the Revolution. Because only the final death of the old world can protect us permanently from the return of the jackals.55
In a decree of May 12, 1920, Lenin, with his leadership team, approved all of this.56
Against the terror and the radical requisitioning of grain and livestock and other plundering by Cheka special units, farmers fought back in hundreds of ferocious rebellions. A civil war lasting several years was the result.
The suppressive methods of the Cheka became ever more brutal. The Black Book of Communism continues:
“Hundreds of villages were burned down and ‘bandits,’ deserters and hostages were put to death.”57
An announcement by the Cheka of October 1920 for the Kuban area [near the Black Sea] read:
Cossack settlements and other localities that have given haven to the Whites or the Greens [insurgent farmer’s associations, whom the linguistic usage of the Bolsheviks otherwise called “bandits”] are being destroyed, whole adult populations shot and all property seized.
After the retreat by Peter Wrangel [the Whites] [admin*the “Whites” were the anti-Bolsheviks against the “Reds” = Communists], General between October and December 1920, the Crimean Peninsula was called the “All-Russian cemetery.” (According to varying estimations between 120,000 and 150,000 human beings were shot.) In Sevastopol they not only shot, but also hanged people, and not dozens but hundreds. Nachim Avenue was decorated up and down with swinging corpses. . . . People were arrested on the street and executed on the spot without any procedure. The terror in the Crimea persisted right into the year 1921.58
The Black Book of Communism goes on: “The Cossacks, once again on the side of the losers, were exposed anew to the Red Terror.”
The Latvian Karl Lander, one of the prominent leaders of the Cheka, was appointed as “Commander of the Northern Caucasus and the Don Valley Province.” He introduced the “Troikas,” special three-judge courts assigned to de-kulakization [farm collectivization] [admin*Kulaks were successful farmers and were often shot, deported to Siberia to die, or later taken into the GULag death camps. The most successful farmers were often the German-Russians]. Just in the month of October 1920, these troikas condemned more than 6,000 human beings to death. They were all immediately executed.
Relatives of the condemned, and sometimes the neighbors of the “green partisans” [anti-Bolshevik peasants] and the Cossacks who had revolted against the regime, who had not previously been seized, were now systematically kidnapped as hostages and put into concentration camps, into true death camps, as Martin Latsis, boss of the Ukrainian Cheka, admitted in one of his reports:
The hostages—women, children and old people—were driven together in a camp near Maikop [a city on the northern edge of the Caucasus Mountains] and vegetated there under the most terrible conditions in the mud and in the October cold. . . They died like flies.”59
In view of the famine Bolshevik terror had caused in almost all parts of Russia, Lenin ordered the introduction in March 1921 of his “New Economic Policy” (NEP) with private property and businesses for the farmers. But the arbitrary rule by the Cheka was not terminated.
The Black Book of Communism further notes:
Cheka head Felix Dzerzhinsky, named on March 16, 1919 as People’s Commissar of the Interior, appeared as a plenipotentiary in Siberia in December 1921 to exact taxes and food from the locals. He sent out “roving revolutionary tribunals” through the villages in order to condemn anyone, in instant proceedings, to prison, concentration camp or death who did not surrender whatever the tribunals demanded.
Concerning their excessive encroachments, an “inspector” from Omsk complained on Feb. 14, 1922:
“The encroachments of these confiscation commandos have reached an inconceivable extent. Systematically, the arrested farmers are locked into unheated stockrooms, subjected to the whip and threatened with execution. Those who have not completely fulfilled their delivery quota are bound and marched naked down the main streets of the villages. Then they are shut up in an unheated stockroom. Many women have been beaten, struck into unconsciousness. They are being pushed naked into snow pits.”60
Despite the bad harvest of 1920, that year saw 10 million pud [180,000 tons] of food seized. The entire food supply, including seed for the next harvest, was confiscated. By January 1921 many farmers already had nothing more to eat and by February the death rate had already begun to rise.
According to reports by the Cheka and the military information service, the famine had spread by 1919 to many regions. During the year 1920 the situation worsened more and more. . . .
For the little people it was obvious that Soviet power wanted every farmer who dared oppose them to starve.61
Solzhenitsyn asks the question: “How is it to be explained that the population of Russia, taken altogether, regarded all this as ‘the Jewish terror’”?62
He points to the persons in responsibility during the grain requisitioning, the crushing of the farmer rebellions, the mass murders of the Cossacks, the shooting of prison inmates in Kiev—“the best of the Russians.”63
He refers to Jewish Chekists at the top [Vol. I, Russian Jewish History: 1795-1916, p. 140], and quotes from a document about the Cheka in the Ukrainian capital of Kiev:
The number of the Chekists varies between 150 and. . . The proportional relationship of Jewish to other Cheka personnel was 3 to 1, while the leading positions were in Jewish hands (14 of 20).
Solzhenitsyn quotes the slogan of a worker strike in Moscow from February 1921: “Down with the communists and the Jews!”
Then Solzhenitsyn supplies the answer to his own question: “It seemed as if not only the Bolshevik Jews had chosen their side in the civil war, the Red side, but apparently all of Jewry.”64
Not only in the beginnings with the Cheka and the GPU (Felix Dzerzhinsky, then 1920-1924 G.Yagoda), but later in 1934 with the NKVD (People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs of Yagoda, Yeshov and Beria), Jews gained “an increasing role in the apparatus,”65 including also their foreign (espionage) departments. Solzhenitsyn proves this with numerous names.66
Solzhenitsyn does not omit Lenin’s continuing endorsement of terror by as late as the year 1922:
The national plague of “de-kulakization” left not just thousands—but millions —of farmers with neither a right to their residence nor even a right to their life. But Soviet writers—among them not a few Jews—expended not one syllable decrying this ice-cold destruction of the Russian peasantry. In this silence they were joined by the whole West. . . [In the West, Jewish control of the press and Hollywood was—and still is—nearly total.—Ed.]
This benevolent commentary is taken from Life magazine of July 14, 1941, one month after the beginning of Germany’s Russian campaign and during the continuing American support for the USSR.
In Stuart Kahan’s biography of his uncle we read something different:
As Stalin’s brother-in-law and closest collaborator, he was one of the most powerful and dangerous men in the world, an executioner with the blood of 20 million people sticking to his hand. He also organized the gruesome persecution of his own ethnic group in Stalin’s kingdom. [Lazar Kaganovich “was responsible for the death of an entire generation of intellectuals and the personal signer of execution orders for 36,000 people.—Ed.]67
Fifteen million, declared non- citizens as “enemies of the state,” were not merely robbed of such things as the chance to study, the right to obtain a doctorate, or eligibility to work for the state, but their farms were ruined and they were shoved together like cattle and deported to their destruction in the Taiga and the Tundra. Among the fanatic urban activists streaming out into the countryside were Jews, enthusiastically carrying out the collectivization of agriculture and leaving behind visible and terrible memories.
The prevailing mentality (of the mob) was described by “historian” Wassili Grossman, whose bias is apparent when he writes:
They are insane, under a spell, they threaten with guns, call the children “kulak bitches’ brood,” scream “bloodsuckers”–the female is lower than a louse, they view these humans whom they are about to “de-kulakize” as cattle, pigs—everything is revolting about kulaks—they have no individuality, no soul—the kulaks stink and have venereal disease but mostly they are “enemies of the people” who exploit others…