The PROTOCOLS OF THE LEARNED ELDERS OF ZION
PROTOCOL No. 5 – Despotism
What kind of government can one give to societies in which bribery and corruption have penetrated everywhere, where riches can only be obtained by cunning surprises and fraudulent means, in which dissensions continuously prevail; where morality must be supported by punishment and strict laws, and not by, voluntary accepted principles, in which patriotic and religious feelings are merged in cosmopolitan convictions?
What form of government can be given to these societies other than the despotic form, which I describe to you?
We will organise a strong centralised government, so as to gain social powers for ourselves. By new laws we will regulate the political life of our subjects, as though they were so many parts of a machine. Such laws will gradually restrict all freedom and liberties allowed by the Gentiles. Thus our reign will develop into such a mighty despotism, that it will be able at any time or place to squash discontented or recalcitrant Gentiles.
We shall be told that the kind of despotism which I suggest will not suit the actual progress of civilisation, but I will prove to you that the contrary is the case. In the days
when the people looked on their sovereigns as on the will of God, they quietly submitted to the despotism of their monarchs. But from the day that we inspired the populace with the idea of its own rights, they began to regard kings as ordinary mortals. In the eye of the mob the holy anointment fell from the head of monarchs, and, when we took away their religion, the power was thrown into the streets like public property, and was snatched up by us. Moreover, among our administrative gifts, we count also that of ruling the masses and individuals by means of cunningly constructed theories and phraseology, by rules of life and every other kind of device. All these theories, which the Gentiles do not at all understand, are based on analysis and observation, combined with so skilful a reasoning as cannot be equalled by our rivals, any more than these can compete with us in the construction of plans for political actions and solidarity. The only society known to us which would be capable of competing with us in these arts, might be that of the Jesuits.
But we have managed to discredit these in the eyes of the stupid mob as being a palpable organisation, whereas we ourselves have kept in the background, reserving our organisation as a secret.
Moreover, what difference will it make to the world who is to become its master, whether the head of the Catholic Church, or a despot of the blood of Zion?
But to us, “the Chosen People,” the matter cannot be indifferent. For a time the Gentiles might perhaps be able to deal with us. But oh this account we need fear no danger, as we are safeguarded by the deep roots of their hatred for one another, which cannot be extracted.
We set at variance with one another all personal and national interests of the Gentiles, by promulgating religious and tribal prejudices among them, for nearly twenty centuries. To all this, the fact is due that not one single government will find support from its neighbours when it calls upon them for it, in opposing us, because each one of them will think that action against us might be disastrous for its individual existence. We are too powerful—the world has to reckon with us. Governments cannot make even a small treaty without our being secretly involved in it. Per me reges regunt—let kings reign through me. We read in the Law of Prophets that we have been chosen by God to rule the earth. God gave us genius, in order that we should be capable of performing this work.
Were there a genius in the enemy’s camp he might yet fight us, but a newcomer would be no match for old hands like ourselves, and the struggle between us would be of such a desperate nature as the world has never yet seen. It is already too for their genius. All the wheels of state-mechanism are set in motion by a power, which is in our hands, that to say—gold.
The science of political economy, thought out by our learned scientists, has already proved that the power of capital is greater than the prestige of the Crown.
Capital, in order to have a free field, must obtain absolute monopoly of trade and commerce. This is already being achieved by an invisible hand in all parts of world. Such a freedom will give political power to traders, who, by profiteering, will oppress the populace.
Nowadays it is more important to disarm the people than to lead them to war. It is more important to use burning passions for our cause, than to extinguish them; to encourage the ideas of others and use them for our own purpose, than to dissipate them. The main problem for our government is: how to weaken the brain of the public by criticism, how to make it lose its power of reasoning, which creates opposition, and how to distract the public mind by senseless phraseology.
At all times nations, as well as individuals, have taken words for deeds, as they are contented with what they hear, and seldom notice whether the promise has been actually fulfilled. Therefore, simply for the purpose of show, we will organise institutions, members of which, by eloquent speeches, will prove and praise their contributions to “progress.”
We will assume a liberal appearance for all parties and for all tendencies, and will provide all our orators with one. These orators will be so loquacious, that they will weary the people with speeches to such a degree, that the people will have more than enough of oratory of any kind.
In order to secure public opinion, this must first be made utterly confused by the expression from all sides of all manner of contradictory opinions, until the Gentiles become lost in their labyrinth. Then they will understand that the best course to take is to have no opinion on political matters—matters which are not intended to be understood by the public, but which should only be reserved to the directors of affairs. This is the first secret.
The second secret, necessary for our successful governing, consists in multiplying to such an extent the faults, habits, passions, and conventional laws of the country, that nobody will be able to think clearly in the chaos—therefore men will cease to understand one another.
This policy will also help us to sow dissensions amongst all parties, to dissolve all collective powers, and to discourage all individual initiative, which might in any way hinder our schemes.
There is nothing more dangerous than personal initiative: if there are brains at the back of it, it may do more harm to us than the millions of people whom we have set at one another’s throats.
We must direct the education of Christian societies in such a way, that in all cases where initiative is required for an enterprise, their hands should drop in hopeless despair.
Tension, brought about by freedom of action, loses force when it encounters the freedom of others. Hence come—moral shocks, disappointments and failures. By all these means we will so oppress the Christians that they will be forced to ask us to govern them internationally. When we attain such a position we shall be able, straightway, to absorb all powers of governing throughout the whole world, and to form a universal Super- government. In the place of existing governments we will place a monster, which will be called the Administration of the Supergovernment. Its hands will be outstretched like far- reaching pinchers, and it will have such an organisation at its disposal, that it will not possibly be able to fail in subduing all countries.
source: Excerpt from